No Treason: The Constitution of No Authority [Lysander Spooner] on Amazon. com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. But whether the Constitution really be . No Treason: The Constitution of No Authority. December 9, Lysander Spooner. The greatest case for anarchist political philosophy ever written. Narrated by. Treason by Lysander Spooner · No. 1.→ Spooner issued three pamphlets carrying the title of No Treason, numbered 1, II, and VI. Spooner.
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It is however; worth the effort. On the part of the North, the war was carried on, not to liberate the slaves, but by a spioner that had always perverted and violated the Constitution, to keep the slaves in bondage; and was still willing to do so, if the slaveholders could be thereby induced to stay in the Union.
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And if he makes war upon it, he does so as an open enemy, and not as a traitor that is, as a betrayer, or treacherous friend”. I am therefore ready to take this oath, and to co-operate with all others, similarly selected, who are ready rteason take the same oath. It makes men vote for themselves and against others. But nothing of that kind can be said now, if the principle on which the war was carried on by the North, is irrevocably established.
Even voting, Spooner argues, is not consensual itself, because each potential voter is faced with the choice of either voting, which makes him a master of others, or abstaining, which makes him a slave of those who do vote.
No Treason: The Constitution of No Authority: Lysander Spooner: : Books
The fact that they had designated me secretlyand in a manner to prevent my knowing them individuallyprevents all privity between them and me; and consequently makes it impossible that there can be any contract, or pledge of faith, on my part towards them; for it is impossible that I can pledge my faith, in any legal sense, to a man whom I neither know, nor have any means of knowing, individually.
On this point I repeat what was said in a former number, 1 viz.: If he believes direct authorization from citizens is better than representatives, then I’m not sure how a nation would proceed with urgent decisions in a timely manner. But while his book rests on a single premise which certainly could be attacked from a number of different perspectivesthe importance of Spooner’s contribution lies in its rational commitment to the single premise of the order of liberty promised by Enlightenment theorists.
Having no corporate property with which to pay what purports to be their corporate debts, this secret band of robbers and murderers are really bankrupt. With slavery, you can not quit your master. Certainly, neither the whole people of the United States, nor any number of them, ever separately or individually contracted to pay a cent of these debts.
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By allowing for the institution of slavery to take place, the United States was taking away the basic rights of the many slaves who were born in American soil. For the same reasons, the oaths of all the other pretended agents of this secret band of robbers and murderers are, on general principles of law and reason, equally destitute of obligation.
And as we can have no legal knowledge as to who the particular individuals are, if there are any, who are willing to be taxed for the sake of voting, we can have no legal knowledge that any particular individual consents to be taxed for the sake of voting; or, consequently, consents to support the Constitution.
This book paired with Rothbard’s Anatomy of the State make a quick but very effective argument against the state.
Why can so many Americans see the evils of a master owning a slave but can not see the evil in a territorial monopoly of the law without the consent of those who live within those boundaries? But the robbery is none the less a robbery on that account; spoomer it is far more dastardly and shameful.
I committed my robberies on my own account, and for my own profit. It was also, in the eye of the law, only as separate individuals, each acting for himself, and exercising simply his natural rights as an individual, that the people at large assented to, and ratified the Declaration.
But owing to the property qualifications required, it is probable that, during the first twenty or thirty years under the Constitution, not more than one-tenth, fifteenth, or perhaps twentieth of the whole population black and white, men, women, and minors were permitted to vote.
No Treason (1867-1870)
But he really knows nothing. There was a problem filtering reviews right now. You have betrayed us, and broken faith with us. Back to No Treason No 2 Back to online library. In the very nature of things, the act of voting could bind nobody but the actual voters. He is also known for competing with the U. He fails to see that most masses DO consent to being “robbed and murdered”, by taking part in voting, patriotism, war games and other distractions, quite willingly.
Disclaimer- if anyone can possibly pervert Spooner’s views on the Civil War into being “racist” and in support of slavery; there is no word for them but dense.
No Treason – Wikisource, the free online library
Many never vote at all. This book was subversive in its time and at some point it keeps being subversive nowadays. How do many millions of men, scattered over an extensive territory—each gifted by nature with individual freedom; required by the law of nature to call no man, or body of men, his masters; authorized by that law to seek his own happiness in his own way, to do what he will with himself and his property, so long as he does not trespass upon the equal liberty of others; authorized also, by that law, to defend his own rights, and redress his own wrongs; and to go to the assistance and defence of any Edition: On general principles of law and reason, every corporation, association, or organized body of men, having a legitimate corporate existence, and legitimate corporate rights, must consist of certain known individuals, who can prove, by legitimate and reasonable evidence, their membership.
It is under such compulsion as this that taxes, so called, are paid. The numbering of the essays can be tricky. Anatomy of the State. Each one can say for himself: One man votes to take things from his neighbors. It never bound anybody, because it was never agreed to by anybody in such a manner as to make it, on general principles of law and reason, binding upon him.